Thursday, December 15, 2011

Advertising Porno @ The Gas Pump



Getting gas is enough of a pain without Doritos telling me where to put my tongue!! Gross!! Gas pump porno ads!

New Beer - Baying Hound Aleworks - Mild Pale Ale

I have read about Baying Hound Aleworks a "nano-brewery" in Rockville, Maryland, but had yet to see or sample any of their brews. At Rodman's last week I found their Mild Pale Ale in a 22oz bottle. Most flavorful mild pale ale I have ever had. Not sure how often I would drink this but I will buy it again.
http://www.baying-hound.com/






Monday, December 12, 2011

Privacy For Sale

Trade in surveillance technology raises worries

By , Shyamantha Asokan and , Published: December 1

Northern Virginia technology entrepreneur Jerry Lucas hosted his first trade show for makers of surveillance gear at the McLean Hilton in May 2002. Thirty-five people attended.

Nine years later, Lucas holds five events annually around the world, drawing hundreds of vendors and thousands of potential buyers for an industry that he estimates sells $5 billion of the latest tracking, monitoring and eavesdropping technology each year. Along the way, these events have earned an evocative nickname: the Wiretappers’ Ball.

The products of what Lucas calls the “lawful intercept” industry are developed mainly in Western nations such as the United States but are sold all over the world with few restrictions. This burgeoning trade has alarmed human rights activists and privacy advocates, who call for greater regulation because the technology has ended up in the hands of repressive governments such as those of Syria, Iran and China.

“You need two things for a ­dictatorship to survive: propa­ganda and secret police,” said Rep. Christopher H. Smith (R-N.J.), who has proposed bills to restrict the sale of surveillance technology overseas. “Both of those are enabled in a huge way by the high-tech companies involved.”

But the overwhelming U.S. government response has been to engage in the event not as a potential regulator but as a customer.

The list of attendees for this year’s local Wiretappers’ Ball, held in October at the North Bethesda Marriott Hotel and Conference Center, included more than 35 federal agencies, Lucas said. The list, he added, included the FBI, the Secret Service and every branch of the military, along with the IRS, the Agriculture Department and the Interior Department’s Fish and Wildlife Service. None would comment on their participation in the event.

Representatives of 43 countries also were there, Lucas said, as were many people from state and local law enforcement agencies. Journalists and members of the public were excluded.

On offer were products that allow users to track hundreds of cellphones at once, read e-mails by the tens of thousands, even get a computer to snap a picture of its owner and send the image to police — or anyone else who buys the software. One product uses phony updates for iTunes and other popular programs to infiltrate personal computers.

Many monitoring systems work by cloning e-mails or making records of Web traffic, allowing police or other users to track the use of key words. Others use stand-alone hardware to eavesdrop on nearby cellphone or WiFi signals.

The Commerce Department regulates exports of surveillance technology, but its ability to restrict the trade is limited. Inter­mediaries sometimes redirect sales to foreign governments, even those that are subject to economic sanctions, once products leave the United States. The State Department, which has spent $70 million in recent years to promote Internet freedom abroad, has expressed rising alarm over such transactions but has no enforcement authority.

U.S. law generally requires law enforcement agencies to obtain court orders when intercepting domestic Internet or phone communications. But such restrictions do not follow products when they are sold overseas.

Industry officials say their products are designed for legitimate purposes, such as tracking terrorists, investigating crimes and allowing employers to block pornographic and other restricted Web sites at their offices.

“This technology is absolutely vital for civilization,” said Lucas, president of TeleStrategies, which hosts the events, officially called Intelligent Support Systems World Conferences. “You can’t have a situation where bad guys can communicate and you bar interception.”

But the surveillance products themselves make no distinction between bad guys and good guys, only users and targets. Several years of industry sales brochures provided to The Washington Post by the anti-secrecy group WikiLeaks, and released publicly Thursday, reveal that many companies are selling sophisticated tools capable of going far beyond conventional investigative techniques.

“People are morally outraged by the traditional arms trade, but they don’t realize that the sale of software and equipment that allows oppressive regimes to monitor the movements, communications and Internet activity of entire populations is just as dangerous,” said Eric King of Privacy International, a London-based group that seeks to limit government surveillance. Sophisticated technology “is facilitating detention, torture and execution,” he said, “and potentially smothering the flames of another Arab Spring.”

Surging demand worldwide

Demand for surveillance tools surged after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks as rising security concerns coincided with the spread of cellphones, Skype, social media and other technologies that made it easier for people to communicate — and easier for governments and companies to eavesdrop on a mass scale.

The surveillance industry conferences are in Prague, Dubai, Brasilia, the Washington area and Kuala Lumpur, whose event starts Tuesday. They are invitation-only affairs, and Lucas said he bars Syria, Iran and North Korea, which are under sanctions, from participating.

The most popular conference, with about 1,300 attendees, was in Dubai this year. Middle Eastern governments, for whom the Arab Spring was “a wake-up call,” are the most avid buyers of surveillance software and equipment, Lucas said. Any customers who come to the event are free to buy the products there.

“When you’re selling to a government, you lose control of what the government is going to do with it,” Lucas said. “It’s like selling guns to people. Some are going to defend themselves. Some are going to commit crimes.”

The suppliers are global as well. About 15 of the vendors for the conference in Bethesda were based in the United States, Lucas said. Others were from Germany, Italy, Israel, South Africa and Britain; many of these also have U.S. offices targeting the market for law enforcement agencies and other government buyers.

Of the 51 companies whose sales brochures and other materials were obtained and released by WikiLeaks, 17 have secured U.S. government contracts in the past five years for agencies such as the FBI, the State Department and the National Security Agency, according to a Washington Post analysis of federal procurement documents.

Federal agencies declined to comment on the use of surveillance technology. But Lucas said the Fish and Wildlife Service uses monitoring gear to catch poachers, the Agriculture Department to investigate abuse of grants and the IRS to search for evidence that tax filers have understated their income.

“The IRS loves to find people filing zero income on their tax returns with photos of Ferraris on their Facebook pages,” Lucas said.

An IRS spokesman declined to comment.

Privacy experts say that the legal framework governing the industry has not kept up with its growth and that products sold for legitimate purposes, such as blocking access to certain Web sites or investigating sexual predators, can easily be adapted for broader surveillance.

Far-reaching tools

The brochures collected by WikiLeaks make clear that few forms of electronic communication are beyond the reach of available surveillance tools. Although some simple products cost just a few hundred dollars and can be bought on eBay, the technology sold at the trade shows often costs hundreds of thousands or millions of dollars. Customization and on-site training can provide years of revenue for companies.

One German company, DigiTask, offers a suitcase-size device capable of monitoring Web use on public WiFi networks, such as those at cafes, airports and hotels. A lawyer representing the company, Winfried Seibert, declined to elaborate on its products. “They won’t answer questions about what is offered,” he said. “That’s a secret. That’s a secret between the company and the customer.”

Another German firm, Elaman, touts in its government security brochure the capacity to “identify an individual’s location, their associates and members of a group, such as political opponents.”

A British company, Cobham, creates bogus cellphone towers that let users track phones up to three miles away and listen to some calls, according to its brochure. A spokesman confirmed it provides cellular tracking devices for “bona fide law enforcement agencies worldwide.”

The FinFisher program, which creates fake updates for iTunes, Adobe Acrobat and other programs, was produced by a British company, Gamma International. The Wall Street Journal reported on this product, and several other surveillance tools described in sales brochures, in an article last month. Apple said that on Nov. 14 it altered iTunes to block Fin­Fisher intrusions.

A lawyer who represents Gamma, Peter Lloyd, said that Fin­Fisher is a vital investigative tool for law enforcement agencies and that the company complies with British law. “Gamma does not approve or encourage any misuse of its products and is not aware of any such misuse,” he said.

The WikiLeaks documents, which the group also provided to several European news organizations and one in India, do not reveal the names of buyers. But when Arab Spring revolutionaries took control of state security agencies in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, they found that Western surveillance technology had been used to monitor political activists.

“We are seeing a growing number of repressive regimes get hold of the latest, greatest Western technologies and use them to spy on their own citizens for the purpose of quashing peaceful political dissent or even information that would allow citizens to know what is happening in their communities,” Michael Posner, assistant secretary of state for human rights, said in a speech last month in California. “We are monitoring this issue very closely.”

In Syria, where President Bashar al-Assad’s efforts to crush an uprising have left 3,500 people dead, by U.N. calculations, police have reportedly been using surveillance technology to eavesdrop on electronic communications and block access to Web sites.

Syrian activist Rami Nakhle said that after he set up an online newspaper and started blogging about human rights, Syria’s secret police last year began summoning him for regular interrogations that involved threats of torture and a day in solitary confinement. Officers made it clear that they had watched him online despite his efforts to conceal his identity.

Police also hacked into fellow activists’ Facebook accounts, said Nakhle, 29. “Before, they were not very good at this, but now they are getting more advanced,” he said.

Nakhle fled to Lebanon in January and now lives in suburban Washington as a political exile. Many of his friends are still in Syrian prisons. “I am not that idealistic. I know that companies need money, but this is about people’s lives,” he said.

A Syrian Embassy spokesman did not respond to messages seeking comment on the government’s use of surveillance technology.

Getting past sanctions

The Commerce Department is investigating how monitoring devices made by Blue Coat Systems, based in Sunnyvale, Calif., reached Syria despite sanctions, according to several U.S. officials who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss an ongoing investigation. Blue Coat Systems has said it didn’t know its products were being used by Syria and that the devices in question were intended for the Iraqi communications ministry. A distributor, the company said, shipped the products to a reseller in Dubai late last year.

In a statement last month, Blue Coat said it was cooperating with government agencies probing “this unlawful diversion” and conducting its own internal review. A spokesman for the company declined to comment further.

NetApp, also of Sunnyvale, produced hardware and software that the Syrian government was using to build a system to intercept and catalogue vast amounts of e-mail, according to Bloomberg News. Net­App has denied selling equipment to Syria. The project, which was never finished, also included computer equipment from another California company and two European businesses.

The technology’s spread is not limited to the Middle East. A federal lawsuit filed in May accuses Cisco Systems of helping China monitor the Falun Gong group.

The lawsuit, filed by the U.S.-based Human Rights Law Foundation, alleges that Cisco helped design and provide equipment for China’s “Golden Shield,” a firewall that censors the Internet and tracks government opponents. Cisco has acknowledged that it sells routers, which are standard building blocks for any Internet connection, to China. But it denies the allegations in the suit, saying that it has not customized any items for use in censorship.

A spokesman for the Chinese Embassy did not respond to messages seeking comment. U.S. companies that want to export devices “primarily useful for the surreptitious interception of wire, oral or electronic communications” must apply to the Commerce Department for a license to sell to overseas buyers under the department’s Export Administration Regulations.

But it can be hard to prove that an export is “primarily useful” for surveillance. Some products need to be used in combination with other equipment in order to eavesdrop. Even standard anti-virus software can be retooled to read e-mails and attachments.

Daniel Minutillo, a Silicon Valley-based lawyer who advises technology companies, said that in most cases his clients can show that their products have multiple uses, making them exempt from export licensing rules.

Human rights groups want this exemption ended. “As long as the market is increasing and there is a lack of regulation, it’s a perfect mix,” said Arvind Ganesan, who studies online surveillance for Human Rights Watch. “The Obama administration has not led in this regard, and there are only a few voices in Congress talking about this. It’s a massive oversight.”

Smith’s bill, which has stalled in committee several times in recent years, would prevent sales to countries, such as China and Syria, that restrict Internet freedom. Yet more aggressive U.S. laws might push the industry overseas if other nations don’t impose similar restrictions. Indian and Chinese vendors have attended Wiretappers’ Balls in recent years.

A State Department official who attended the event in October was pessimistic that government regulation could curb a fast-changing technology sector. “We’ve lost,” said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “If the technology people are selling at these conferences gets into the hands of bad people, all we can do is raise the costs. We can’t completely protect activists or anyone from this.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/trade-in-surveillance-technology-raises-worries/2011/11/22/gIQAFFZOGO_story.html

DEA Should Reclassify Marijuana

Washington and Rhode Island Governors Want DEA to Reclassify Marijuana

Washington Gov. Chris Gregoire and Rhode Island Gov. Lincoln Chafee have filed a petition with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration asking the agency to reclassify marijuana so doctors can prescribe it and pharmacists can fill the prescription.

The governors said Wednesday they want the federal government to list marijuana as a Schedule 2 drug, allowing it to be used for medical treatment. Marijuana is currently classified a Schedule 1 drug, meaning it's not accepted for medical treatment and can't be prescribed, administered or dispensed.

Washington and Rhode Island are two of 16 states, and the District of Columbia, that have laws allowing the medical use of marijuana.

"Each of these jurisdictions is struggling with managing safe access to medical cannabis for patients with serious medical conditions," the 99-page petition and report reads. "Our work with the federal agencies has not resolved the matter."

Gregoire said that the conflict between state and federal laws means legitimate patients lack a regulated and safe system to obtain marijuana.

"It is time to show compassion and time to show common sense," she said in a conference call with reporters Wednesday.

Washington voters approved a medical marijuana law in 1998 that gives doctors the right to recommend -- but not prescribe -- marijuana for people suffering from cancer and other conditions that cause "intractable pain."

Earlier this year, Gregoire vetoed most of a bill that made major reforms to the state's medical marijuana law, saying state workers could be prosecuted under federal law the way the measure was written.

The legislation was passed to set clearer regulations on medical marijuana use and to establish a licensing system and patient registry to protect qualifying patients, doctors and providers from criminal liability. Gregoire vetoed provisions of the bill that would have licensed and regulated medical marijuana dispensaries and producers. She also nixed a provision for a patient registry under the Department of Health.

"There's chaos and conflict between what the states are doing and what the Justice Department is threatening to do," said Chafee, who was on Wednesday's conference call with Gregoire.

A DEA spokeswoman said officials at the agency had heard of the petition but could not comment.

Earlier this month, the DEA raided 10 storefront dispensaries in Washington state, including several in Seattle, where law enforcement officials have taken a lenient view of medical marijuana grows and dispensaries. Search warrant affidavits suggested the shops were fronts for illicit drug dealing and revealed that agents were looking for evidence of drug conspiracies, money laundering and guns. Similar raids occurred in Montana and California as well.

Morgan Fox of the Washington, D.C.-based Marijuana Policy Project said the petition was a "good first step" but reclassifying the drug will not "change the federal penalties for possessing, cultivating or distributing medical marijuana."

"That is the change we really need," Fox wrote in a news release. "These governors should be insisting that the federal government allow them to run their medical marijuana operations the ways they see fit, which in these cases includes allowing regulated distribution centers to provide patients with safe access to their medicine and not force them to turn to illicit dealers."

The DEA has rejected prior petitions seeking to reclassify marijuana, but Gregoire noted that this is the first petition signed by governors.

Gregoire also said the science on the issue has changed. The American Medical Association reversed its position two years ago and now supports investigation and clinical research of cannabis for medicinal use.

Gregoire said she was on a phone call in August with other governors in medical marijuana states and said that there was a "huge volume" of interest.

Asked why no other governors have signed onto the initial petition, Gregoire said she and Chafee wanted to take the lead on the initiative.

"I have every expectation that you will see other governors join us," she said.

Vermont Gov. Peter Shumlin plans to sign the petition and write a letter in support of the proposed change, said spokeswoman Susan Allen. Gil Duran, a spokesman for California Gov. Jerry Brown, did not have an immediate comment when asked about the petition Wednesday. Other governors did not immediately respond to requests from The Associated Press.

"The governors in Washington and Rhode Island raise a valid conflict that needs to be resolved," said Eric Brown, a spokesman for Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper. "Colorado law requires we make a similar ask of the federal government by Jan. 1. We will do that. We will also continue to consult with other governors on this issue and with Colorado's attorney general before deciding whether anything else will be done."

There is currently an effort in Washington state to decriminalize and tax recreational marijuana sales for adults. Initiative 502, which has been endorsed by two former Seattle U.S. attorneys and the former head of the FBI in Washington state, would create a system of state-licensed growers, processors and stores, and would impose a 25 percent excise tax at each stage. Adults 21 and over could buy up to an ounce of dried marijuana; one pound of marijuana-infused product in solid form, such as brownies; or 72 ounces of marijuana-infused liquids. It would be illegal to drive with more than 5 nanograms of THC, the active ingredient of cannabis, per milliliter of blood.

Sponsors need to collect more than 240,000 valid signatures by Dec. 30 to place the measure before the Legislature early next year. If the Legislature doesn't take up the issue, it automatically goes to the November ballot.

When asked about the initiative, Gregoire said her focus was on medical marijuana, and how to "get relief that is safe and readily available to these patients."


http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2011/12/01/washington-and-rhode-island-governors-want-dea-to-reclassify-marijuana/

Whose Convenience?

Facebook changes will help advertisers, while leaving users more exposed

By , Published: September 29

In Japan, the philosophy of “kaizen” refers to a state of continuous improvement. It’s a management catchword implying that nothing is ever good enough. Change, in other words, is essential.

The folks at Facebook are clearly “kaizen” believers.

Over the nearly eight years of its life, the technology company seems to exist in a constant state of transition, rolling out changes with increasing regularity. Every time Facebook changes, users protest. The new features are tweaked , then just as as the dust settles, a new change is rolled out.

At some point, though, this continual flux merits scrutiny: Just who is Facebook making these improvements for? The company says it’s all for users. Founder Mark Zuckerberg touts the ease of sharing in the latest iteration. And it’s true that the site has always been easy. While Twitter, with its 80 million users, has a secret code of @ and # signs, Facebook, with its 800 million, relies on our given names, schools and jobs.

The latest changes include instant sharing. Facebook, with clients such as Hulu, Spotify and The Washington Post, can see what you are reading, listening to and watching, and will let your friends know, too. There’s also a page with all your Facebook activity called Timeline, which tracks what you’re doing.

While Facebook says the changes will make it easier for users to keep their friends informed about their lives, the truth is that Facebook is making improvements for its clients — and I don’t mean us. All this information gathered by Facebook will be very beneficial to advertising companies.

Nick O’Neill, the founder of the news site All Facebook, said after the most recent changes rolled out, “I’ve been covering the site for four years, and using it for longer. I can definitely say it’s the first time I’ve reconsidered whether or not being on there is a good idea. The company’s interest is not aligned with my own.”

To O’Neill and others, the changes seem to suggest Facebook is in a race to expose as much information about its users as possible. For example, Nik Cubrilovic, an Australian blogger, found that Facebook never really logs you out until you shut down your computer. A Facebook engineer responded on Cubrilovic’s blog, writing that the company never sells information about users to any ad network and uses the tracking information for safety reasons.

Still, many of us share a sense that we lack control over Facebook and the personal details we share on the site. There is little to stop Facebook from giving our information to advertisers — or governments, or employers, or anyone else.

Even so, millions of us continue to stick around.

The reason? It’s that soft word “friend,” with its promise of trust and intimacy. Facebook has always grasped the human connection we seek online.

Eric Leist, a social media watcher and a huge fan of the most recent Facebook changes, made a mash-up video promoting Facebook’s new Timeline. The video uses a scene from the popular television series “Mad Men” in which the main character, 1960s ad man Don Draper, is pitching Kodachrome’s slideshow carousel.

Draper’s sonorous voice talks about what makes great advertising. It’s about creating “a deeper bond with the product: nostalgia. It’s delicate, but potent,” Draper says. Over images of moments of his own life displayed on Timeline, Draper says, “It takes us to a place where we ache to go again.”

That successful advertising pitch fits with Facebook’s promise. Our lives are important, and if we show them to the world via a computer screen, Facebook lures us into believing. The past does have meaning.

And millions of us have invested so much of ourselves in that promise that our lack of control seems a small-enough price to pay.




http://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/facebook-changes-will-help-advertisers-while-leaving-users-more-exposed/2011/09/27/gIQAQAiQ7K_story.html

American Musical Roots

‘The Chitlin’ Circuit’ by Preston Lauterbach, about pre-rock black music.

By , Published: July 8

The fancy name for them is chitterlings: the intestines of hogs — the leavings, after all the prime meat has been carved away — cooked and served as an essential ingredient of soul food. In addition to their important culinary function, they gave their name to an equally important American musical phenomenon: the “chitlin’ circuit,” which flourished throughout the South for about two decades beginning in the late 1930s. The circuit first provided venues in big cities and minuscule crossroads for black-run dance bands — the most famous, and the best, being Jimmie Lunceford’s — and then venues for the pioneers in what was first known as the blues, then as rhythm and blues, then as rock and roll: B.B. King, Joe Turner, Wynonie Harris, T-Bone Walker, Little Richard, James Brown, Ray Charles, et al.

The chitlin’ circuit was more than just music — it nurtured comedians and was championed in the plays of August Wilson — but Preston Lauterbach’s focus is on “how the chitlin’ circuit for live music developed from the late 1930s and nurtured rock ’n’ roll from the early 1940s to the mid-1950s.” Lauterbach, a freelance writer based in Memphis, got more than he bargained for when he decided to write a book about it:

“The chitlin’ circuit story that unfolded through old newspapers, interviews with aged jitterbugs, torn scrapbooks, and city directories crossed unexpected backroads: the numbers racket, hair straighteners, multiple murders, human catastrophe, commercial sex, bootlegging, international scandal, female impersonation, and a real female who could screw a light bulb into herself — and turn it on. . . . These are the intertwined stories of booking agents, show promoters, and nightclub owners, the moguls who controlled wealth throughout the black music business. Until records eclipsed live shows as the top moneymakers, new sounds grew on the road and in nightclubs, through the dance business rather than in the recording studio. Though the moguls’ names are not recognized among the important producers of American culture, their numbers rackets, dice parlors, dance halls, and bootleg liquor and prostitution rings financed the artistic development of breakthrough performers.”

Though the circuit operated primarily in the South, its origins were in neighborhoods known as “Bronzevilles”: “black towns within white cities throughout the segregated North.” Lauterbach gives particular attention to the Bronzeville in Indianapolis, presided over by Denver Ferguson, the prosperous operator of a numbers game, whose other holdings included “a busy printing shop, a service uniform factory, and bits of real estate, including the Sunset Terrace and Sunset Cafe.” At the end of 1941, he and his brother Sea incorporated a company “to engage in the business of booking agent, promoter, sponsor and artists’ representative for bands, orchestras, shows, revues, sporting, theatrical and athletic acts, concerts, games, contests, dances, shows, and all other kinds of amusement enterprises.”

It was a long-winded way of saying that Denver Ferguson had gotten in on the ground floor as the chitlin’ circuit formed alliances with the burgeoning record business: “Bookers needed records to promote their bands, and record companies needed personal appearance tours to promote records.” Ferguson hooked up with Bluebird, which “recorded hard blues, which didn’t fly with the white audience” but were becoming bigger and bigger on the circuit, so “pushing Bluebird’s nationally known blues artists through Deep South blues country” was a natural for Ferguson. He had already been booking swing bands in the South, but there as elsewhere the big bands were dying: Wartime gas rationing made it prohibitively expensive to run large buses, and in any event popular taste was shifting to vocalists.

Lauterbach identifies Louis Jordan and his Tympany Five as the harbingers of change. His group was small and thus economically manageable, and his exuberant style — “he embraced the funny, confusing, violent reality of farm folk in the city” — played well in the small towns on the circuit. His first hit records, “Knock Me a Jug” and “(I’m Gonna Move to the) Outskirts of Town,” were made in the fall of 1941. The immense popularity he enjoyed has long since faded, but he was “the key role model to virtually every black performer for the next fifteen years.”

Jordan’s ascent “pushed the vocalist into the limelight” and made the band “an afterthought.” By the late 1940s “the sound Louis Jordan pioneered and popularized in the early part of the decade had all but pushed jazz out of the black pop picture,” though it needs to be noted that, with the emergence of bop at the same time, jazz began to move away from a popular audience and was becoming a form of art music, for better or for worse.

Though the artists who were shaping their music and their careers on the chitlin’ circuit during the late 1940s and early ’50s eventually became known to a national audience that crossed and transcended racial lines, at the time they worked in an almost entirely black world that was virtually unknown to the “pop” (i.e., white) world. When Billboard magazine in 1949 “renamed its African-American music bestseller list from ‘Race Records’ to ‘Rhythm and Blues Records,’ ” however, it was a sign of change. Still, Lauterbach makes an important point:

“Influential gatekeepers have tended to treat ‘rhythm and blues’ as a genre-defining term rather than what it was, a marketing phrase, shorthand for black popular music in whatever form happened to be selling. The standardized definitions of rock ’n’ roll, courtesy of institutions such as the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and Rolling Stone magazine, emphasize a fusion of black rhythm and blues and white country-western sounds, as if the two styles brought distinct elements to a new mixture. While that certainly applies to Bill Haley and Elvis Presley, some of the first rock ’n’ roll stars as such, it implies a shared primacy that simply didn’t exist at the true dawn of rock ’n’ roll. While black music was clearly rockin’ by 1949, country and western fans delighted to the sounds of yodels, waltzes, accordions, fiddle, and steel guitars — great stuff, but not the stuff of rock ’n’ roll.”

What happened to the music that was nurtured on the chitlin’ circuit was, of course, what has happened to black music throughout American history: Whites discovered it, fell in love with it and adapted it — “covered” it, to use the music-business term — to suit their own gifts and tastes. The great musical wave that brought rock and roll into being in the mid-’50s certainly profited many black musicians, among them Little Richard, James Brown, B.B. King and Ray Charles, but the greatest attention and financial rewards mostly went to whites. After the rise of rock and roll, black music moved into the mainstream as it never had before, but the music business then, as now, was owned and operated by whites for whites.

Lauterbach reports that a few bits and pieces of the chitlin’ circuit can still be found, but it faded away as segregation began to loosen its grip on the South and paying black customers began to be welcomed in venues previously restricted to whites. On the whole this is a good thing, but the circuit was a vital part of black culture during its heyday, and its disappearance is to be mourned. It brought a lot of joy to people who didn’t have much, and it brought splendid music to all of us. Lauterbach’s tribute to it is welcome and overdue.

Jonathan Yardley is the author of “Second Readings: Notable and Neglected Books Revisited.” The contents first ran as a series of essays in The Washington Post.



http://www.washingtonpost.com/entertainment/books/the-chitlin-circuit-by-preston-lauterbach-about-pre-rock-black-music/2011/06/27/gIQAyjy73H_story.html

Class Is Colorblind So Long As You Got The Money

Have African Americans escaped inequality? Not even close.

By Ellis Cose, Published: July 7, 2011

The Obama presidency notwithstanding, America has not become post-racial. But it has become post-caste.

This is a colossal achievement that places us awfully close to that world imagined by Martin Luther King Jr. in which “little black boys and black girls . . . join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.” For there are plenty of places in today’s America where children of various hues bond and play together, happily oblivious to the differences that might once have kept them apart.

But the realization of that dream does not mean America has reached true equality. King understood this difference, as his later anti-poverty crusade made clear. Financial fragility, he realized, could be even more crippling than segregation, especially when undergirded by a history of economic discrimination that left many blacks only marginally better off than lower caste members in India. So he died fighting to level — or at least make more even — the economic playing field.

King’s legendary “I have a dream” speech focused on ending American apartheid for one simple reason: Racism loomed so large, and its clasp was so suffocating, that for African Americans of the era, it was the great, inescapable evil, and one that made it hard to focus on much of anything else. But even as the uglier forms of racism receded with the Civil Rights Act of 1964, blacks of all classes, including those with Ivy League degrees, despaired of escaping the confines of race. It was that hopelessness festering among the black elite that led me, in the early 1990s, to write a book, “The Rage of a Privileged Class,” about African Americans frustrated by their inability to shatter the glass ceiling.

Yet, in a remarkably short time, the ceiling began to crack. Corporate chief executives, the whitest cohort in America, suddenly got some color. Richard Parsons became president of Time Warner in 1995, and in 2002, he was named chief executive. Kenneth Chenault landed the top job at American Express in 2001. Oprah Winfrey became not only one of the world’s richest women, but the arbiter of middle-American taste. Meanwhile, black actors such as Denzel Washington, Will Smith and Halle Berry ascended to the top ranks of Hollywood. Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice became secretaries of state. Then, of course, came the stunning rise of Barack Obama.

On the eve of Obama’s inauguration, a CNN poll found that two-thirds of blacks believed that King’s dream had been “fulfilled.” In a narrow sense, it had been. If Obama’s election proved nothing else, it proved that the previously impermeable American caste system was at long last dead. Dark skin could no longer bar someone from the nation’s positions of power — not even from the most powerful job in the land.

The end of caste has had a huge impact on a rising generation of black achievers, a cohort that I studied extensively for my new book, “The End of Anger.” In my research, I surveyed 200 black alumni of Harvard Business School and more than 300 alumni of A Better Chance, a New York City-based program founded in 1963 that sends minority children to selective high schools across the country.

I found a massive generation gap: Many of those under age 40 had boundless faith in their ability to crash through, navigate around or simply disregard barriers that bedeviled talented blacks of earlier generations. Their outlook struck many older black respondents as naive, yet it reflected their experience of coming up in a world where African Americans are no longer imprisoned in a subordinate caste.

But of course, the reality of these highly educated young people is not the reality of the poor and unlettered. In the less privileged America, blatant racism may be forbidden, but brutal unfairness remains a fact of life.

The percentage of black men with jobs, always lower than that for whites, has dropped to its lowest level since the Labor Department began keeping such records in the early 1970s. Even before the Great Recession, the wealth gap between blacks and whites was growing. That gap, excluding home equity, stood at $20,000 in 2007 dollars in 1984; by 2007, it had increased to $95,000, according to Brandeis University’s Institute on Assets and Social Policy. And the subprime mortgage meltdown made things much worse, hitting with particular force many communities occupied largely by blacks and Latinos. The Center for Responsible Lending, a nonprofit research and advocacy group, estimated that property depreciation related to foreclosures between 2009 and 2012 would end up costing black communities $194 billion and Latino communities $177 billion. The center also concluded that “nearly 8 percent of both African Americans and Latinos have lost their homes to foreclosures, compared to 4.5 percent of whites.”

How could such things happen at the very time the nation’s racial caste system was collapsing? Because the end of American apartheid did not erase the caste system’s effects. America’s history of economic discrimination left most blacks unable to accumulate the intergenerational wealth — trust funds, mortgage-free property and unencumbered cash — that would have permitted them to weather the economic storm. And residential segregation made Zip codes largely inhabited by blacks and Latinos easy to target for subprime loans.

During a visit to India a couple of years ago, I spent time with Martin Macwan, a lawyer born in a small village to Dalits, or “untouchables,” who has made the elimination of untouchability his life’s work. He has started schools for young Dalits shunned in their home villages; created programs to provide alternatives to the menial jobs normally reserved for lower castes; and fought for Dalit rights in the courts, although untouchability was outlawed by the Indian constitution in 1950. The “social system,” Macwan told me, “is more powerful than the law.”

The United States is discovering something similar. The caste system has officially ended, particularly (as in India) in cosmopolitan circles. Yet its legacy hasn’t vanished. Even though formally sanctioned racism may have effectively disappeared, racism’s effects linger.

There is no term to describe this new reality — a world where the economic system, culture and customs conspire to keep many people trapped in what seems very much like the old caste system, even as we celebrate the collapse of the caste system. Neither the old rhetoric of racism nor the new talk of post-racialism remotely captures where we are. Nor does the oft-used phrase “structural racism” really sum it up. “Structural inequality” comes closer, but even that inelegant term does not adequately describe how history and present-day hurdles to achievement come together to keep certain communities down.

Perhaps it is time to put such language aside and to recognize that the struggle for equality was never just about race. And it was certainly not just about expanding the circle of opportunity so that privileged blacks, Latinos and Asian Americans could enjoy the same prerogatives as privileged whites. It was about expanding that circle for the underprivileged, period.

Ellis Cose, formerly a columnist for Newsweek, is the author of “The End of Anger: A New Generation’s Take on Race and Rage.


http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/post-racial-no-post-caste-sure-post-inequality-not-even-close/2011/06/27/gIQA2QtS2H_story.html

Tuesday, November 15, 2011

Class Division

Have African Americans escaped inequality? Not even close.

By Ellis Cose, Published: July 7

The Obama presidency notwithstanding, America has not become post-racial. But it has become post-caste.

This is a colossal achievement that places us awfully close to that world imagined by Martin Luther King Jr. in which “little black boys and black girls . . . join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.” For there are plenty of places in today’s America where children of various hues bond and play together, happily oblivious to the differences that might once have kept them apart.

But the realization of that dream does not mean America has reached true equality. King understood this difference, as his later anti-poverty crusade made clear. Financial fragility, he realized, could be even more crippling than segregation, especially when undergirded by a history of economic discrimination that left many blacks only marginally better off than lower caste members in India. So he died fighting to level — or at least make more even — the economic playing field.

King’s legendary “I have a dream” speech focused on ending American apartheid for one simple reason: Racism loomed so large, and its clasp was so suffocating, that for African Americans of the era, it was the great, inescapable evil, and one that made it hard to focus on much of anything else. But even as the uglier forms of racism receded with the Civil Rights Act of 1964, blacks of all classes, including those with Ivy League degrees, despaired of escaping the confines of race. It was that hopelessness festering among the black elite that led me, in the early 1990s, to write a book, “The Rage of a Privileged Class,” about African Americans frustrated by their inability to shatter the glass ceiling.

Yet, in a remarkably short time, the ceiling began to crack. Corporate chief executives, the whitest cohort in America, suddenly got some color. Richard Parsons became president of Time Warner in 1995, and in 2002, he was named chief executive. Kenneth Chenault landed the top job at American Express in 2001. Oprah Winfrey became not only one of the world’s richest women, but the arbiter of middle-American taste. Meanwhile, black actors such as Denzel Washington, Will Smith and Halle Berry ascended to the top ranks of Hollywood. Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice became secretaries of state. Then, of course, came the stunning rise of Barack Obama.

On the eve of Obama’s inauguration, a CNN poll found that two-thirds of blacks believed that King’s dream had been “fulfilled.” In a narrow sense, it had been. If Obama’s election proved nothing else, it proved that the previously impermeable American caste system was at long last dead. Dark skin could no longer bar someone from the nation’s positions of power — not even from the most powerful job in the land.

The end of caste has had a huge impact on a rising generation of black achievers, a cohort that I studied extensively for my new book, “The End of Anger.” In my research, I surveyed 200 black alumni of Harvard Business School and more than 300 alumni of A Better Chance, a New York City-based program founded in 1963 that sends minority children to selective high schools across the country.

I found a massive generation gap: Many of those under age 40 had boundless faith in their ability to crash through, navigate around or simply disregard barriers that bedeviled talented blacks of earlier generations. Their outlook struck many older black respondents as naive, yet it reflected their experience of coming up in a world where African Americans are no longer imprisoned in a subordinate caste.

But of course, the reality of these highly educated young people is not the reality of the poor and unlettered. In the less privileged America, blatant racism may be forbidden, but brutal unfairness remains a fact of life.

The percentage of black men with jobs, always lower than that for whites, has dropped to its lowest level since the Labor Department began keeping such records in the early 1970s. Even before the Great Recession, the wealth gap between blacks and whites was growing. That gap, excluding home equity, stood at $20,000 in 2007 dollars in 1984; by 2007, it had increased to $95,000, according to Brandeis University’s Institute on Assets and Social Policy. And the subprime mortgage meltdown made things much worse, hitting with particular force many communities occupied largely by blacks and Latinos. The Center for Responsible Lending, a nonprofit research and advocacy group, estimated that property depreciation related to foreclosures between 2009 and 2012 would end up costing black communities $194 billion and Latino communities $177 billion. The center also concluded that “nearly 8 percent of both African Americans and Latinos have lost their homes to foreclosures, compared to 4.5 percent of whites.”

How could such things happen at the very time the nation’s racial caste system was collapsing? Because the end of American apartheid did not erase the caste system’s effects. America’s history of economic discrimination left most blacks unable to accumulate the intergenerational wealth — trust funds, mortgage-free property and unencumbered cash — that would have permitted them to weather the economic storm. And residential segregation made Zip codes largely inhabited by blacks and Latinos easy to target for subprime loans.

During a visit to India a couple of years ago, I spent time with Martin Macwan, a lawyer born in a small village to Dalits, or “untouchables,” who has made the elimination of untouchability his life’s work. He has started schools for young Dalits shunned in their home villages; created programs to provide alternatives to the menial jobs normally reserved for lower castes; and fought for Dalit rights in the courts, although untouchability was outlawed by the Indian constitution in 1950. The “social system,” Macwan told me, “is more powerful than the law.”

The United States is discovering something similar. The caste system has officially ended, particularly (as in India) in cosmopolitan circles. Yet its legacy hasn’t vanished. Even though formally sanctioned racism may have effectively disappeared, racism’s effects linger.

There is no term to describe this new reality — a world where the economic system, culture and customs conspire to keep many people trapped in what seems very much like the old caste system, even as we celebrate the collapse of the caste system. Neither the old rhetoric of racism nor the new talk of post-racialism remotely captures where we are. Nor does the oft-used phrase “structural racism” really sum it up. “Structural inequality” comes closer, but even that inelegant term does not adequately describe how history and present-day hurdles to achievement come together to keep certain communities down.

Perhaps it is time to put such language aside and to recognize that the struggle for equality was never just about race. And it was certainly not just about expanding the circle of opportunity so that privileged blacks, Latinos and Asian Americans could enjoy the same prerogatives as privileged whites. It was about expanding that circle for the underprivileged, period.

Ellis Cose, formerly a columnist for Newsweek, is the author of “The End of Anger: A New Generation’s Take on Race and Rage.”



http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/post-racial-no-post-caste-sure-post-inequality-not-even-close/2011/06/27/gIQA2QtS2H_story.html

Thursday, November 3, 2011

BPA Still Safe Until Proven Otherwise?

Study links BPA exposure in womb to behavior problems in toddler girls

By , Published: October 24

A chemical used widely in plastic bottles, metal cans and other consumer products could be linked to behavioral and emotional problems in toddler girls, according to a government-funded study published online Monday in the journal Pediatrics.

After tracking 244 Cincinnati-area mothers and their 3-year-olds, the study concluded that mothers with high levels of bisphenol A (BPA) in their urine were more likely to report that their children were hyperactive, aggressive, anxious, depressed and less in control of their emotions than mothers with low levels of the chemical.

While several studies have linked BPA to behavioral problems in children, this report is the first to suggest that a young girl’s emotional well-being is linked to her mother’s exposure during pregnancy rather than the child’s exposure after birth. Girls were more sensitive to the chemical in the womb than boys, maybe because BPA mimics the female hormone estrogen, which is thought to play a role in behavioral development.

The results add to a growing body of research that suggests exposure to BPA poses health risks in humans. While the federal government has long maintained that low doses of BPA are safe, the Food and Drug Administration and other federal agencies are taking a closer look and investing in more research about the chemical’s health effects.

In the Cincinnati study, the authors cautioned that their results could have been skewed by the eating habits of the mothers observed. For more than 40 years, BPA has been used to make plastic bottles and the lining of metal-based cans. It’s possible that mothers who ate a lot of packaged foods simply didn’t eat enough nutrients essential for brain development, said Joe M. Braun, the study’s lead author.

None of the children exhibited behavior outside the normal range, said Braun, a research fellow at the Harvard School of Public Health. But they behaved worse than children whose mothers had relatively low traces of BPA in their urine, he said.

The results were based on urine samples from the mother (two during pregnancy and one at birth) and urine samples from their children taken at ages 1, 2 and 3. The mothers then filled out surveys about their children’s behavior at age 3.

The American Chemistry Council, which represents the chemical industry, dismissed the study, saying it has “significant shortcomings” in design and its conclusions “are of unknown relevance to public health.”

The group cited the study’s small sample size as one drawback. Braun said it’s difficult to conduct this type of research with a larger group.

Several experts who track the issue said they would like to see the study repeated with another group of children.

Linda Birnbaum, director of the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences, said the sample size is reasonable and its results support studies that show similar effects in animals. The challenge with observational studies such as this one, she said, is that the effects are subtle and, therefore, tougher to tease out.

“These are not the kinds of effects that hit you over the head,” Birnbaum said. “We’re not looking for missing arms and legs.”

Birnbaum’s group and the Environmental Protection Agency funded the study.

Meanwhile, she said, the marketplace has spoken.

Due to consumer pressure, some companies have voluntarily removed the chemical from products or started offering BPA-free alternatives. A number of states and cities, including Maryland, have banned BPA in some children’s products. France has taken action to prohibit BPA use in food packages altogether, but the ban has not yet taken effect.

Earlier this month, the American Chemistry Council petitioned the FDA to ban the use of the chemical in baby bottles and sippy cups. The group said the chemical hasn’t been used in those products for years, but that the ban would help clear consumer confusion. The council maintains that BPA is safe.




http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/study-links-bpa-exposure-in-womb-to-behavior-problems-in-toddler-girls/2011/10/24/gIQA6ihRDM_story.html

Food Labels

Nutrition rating, labeling system proposed

By , Published: October 20

A symbol, such as a check mark or a star, should be displayed on the front of every food item and beverage sold in grocery stores so harried shoppers can judge nutritional value at a glance, according to a government-sponsored report released Thursday.

In the report, a panel of experts from the Institute of Medicine told federal regulators that the epidemic of diet-related chronic diseases warrants a single rating system to help consumers sort through nutritional information. The panel devised a labeling plan intended to be simple enough for kids to use. But it’s unclear what regulators will do.

The food and beverage industry, which launched its own labeling initiative this year, immediately resisted the plan, arguing that consumers do not want the government to interpret information for them. But the panel concluded the opposite. It cited the success of the Energy Star ratings for appliances and five-star safety ratings for cars.

“Simply providing information about healthy choices has not consistently translated into changes in dietary behavior,” said Ellen Wartella, head of the panel and a professor of communications, psychology and human development at Northwestern University.

Under the panel’s plan, products would be graded in three categories — added sugar, sodium and fats. If the sodium level is acceptable, for example, the product would get a point (or check mark, or maybe a star). The same goes for the added sugar and fats, for a maximum of three points or symbols for each product.

Some products may earn no points. For instance, a sugary soda may have low levels of sodium and fat, but it would not be eligible for points because of its high sugar content, the group said.

Also, the calorie count would have to be displayed in familiar measures, such as “per cup.”

The appeal of this method is that it does not require consumers to have a deep knowledge of nutrition, said Matthew Kreuter, one of the panel members. “You just need to understand that three [symbols] is better than two, two is better than one, and one is better than zero,” said Kreuter, a health communications professor at Washington University in St. Louis.

The Food and Drug Administration, which co-sponsored the study, has been pressing for a front-of-package label since 2009. Back then, FDA Commissioner Margaret Hamburg decried the barrage of sometimes inaccurate slogans displayed on food. Her criticisms came soon after the industry launched its now-defunct Smart Choices program, which gave its trademark green check mark to sugar-laden foods such Froot Loops.

Since then, the industry has launched a new program known as Facts Up Front. Under that voluntary initiative, food makers display nutrients that should be limited (such as fat) and some that should be encouraged (such as fiber.) But they do not rate products.

“Consumers have consistently told us that they want more information in a clear and easy-to-use format,” said Scott Faber, a vice president at the Grocery Manufacturers Association, which helped launch the effort. “What they don’t want are summary symbols that make judgments for them.”

Michael Jacobson, executive director of the Center for Science in the Public Interest, said the panel’s proposal is far more promising than the industry effort. But it’s not flawless, he said. For instance, a diet soda would get three points under this system, even though it contains artificial coloring and other chemicals.

But the FDA and its partners, the Department of Agriculture and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, who co-sponsored the study, may not get the chance to act.

“The reality is that even if the FDA wanted to do something, it would take a few years to implement the plan,” Jacobson said. “If the Obama administration departs next year, kiss the whole effort goodbye.”




http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/nutrition-rating-labeling-system-proposed/2011/10/20/gIQAp8Dg1L_story.html

Blue Berries

Berry happy the local blues are in

By David Hagedorn, Published: June 21

It’s time to indulge in locavore blueberries, those sapphire superfood dynamos rich in antioxidants, imbued with vitamins C and E, high in fiber, low in calories.

A dream come true, right?

As if to dampen the glee of blueberry lovers everywhere, the watchdog Environmental Working Group recently ranked blueberries No. 10 on its 2011 Dirty Dozen list of conventionally grown domestic fruits and vegetables that contain the highest levels of pesticides. It’s the second time they’ve cracked the top 12.

Not surprisingly, the Alliance for Food and Farming, a group representing producers’ interests, contends that EWG’s numbers are misleading and that, in general, the pesticides used on blueberries are within USDA safety limits.

The best strategy for consumers, says EWG senior analyst Sonya Lunden, is to ask your local farmers about how they grow their produce. The proliferation of farmers markets has made that increasingly easy to do, and, in the case of two Maryland blueberry growers, I’ve done the legwork already.

Arthur James, 63, co-owns Washington County’s Blueberry Hill with his 33-year-old son, Michael. Ewald August, 76, owns Moody Blues Farm in Baltimore County. Both men — white-haired, earnest and with compelling personal histories — sell extraordinary northern highbush blueberries at markets in the Washington area. James is a certified organic grower; August is not.

At age 21, James was drafted, went to Vietnam and returned two years later seriously wounded, settling in Clear Spring, Md., on secluded mountain land that offered privacy. At17, August began a long corporate career with A&P, eventually becoming a produce buyer.

Approaching 50 and realizing he’d need something to do once his career ended, August bought his 20-acre farm in Windsor Mill near Baltimore in 1984. It proved a wise strategy; unable to adapt to a computerized corporate environment, he retired in 1996.

An early attempt at farming began with planting 3,500 Christmas trees and ended when deer ate the tops off all the trees. After that, August thought he’d try blueberries, an interest he’d acquired when traveling to Texas, Florida and New Jersey as a buyer. In 1991, he bought his first plants.

On a hot, sunny May morning, we stroll his 21 / 2-acre plot of neatly rowed, four-foot-high bushes packed with green berries. August claims he did not really know what he was doing when he started out 20 years ago.

“I bought 25 Bluecrop (a variety that ripens mid-season) plants the first year and then 75 more and just stuck ’em in the lawn. I had good connections in the produce business, and this fellow from Variety Farms in New Jersey sent me a box of 300 cuttings about 1 year old, each about six inches with bare roots.” They were Dukes.

They “are just about the best berry there is,” he says. “Bright, big, juicy and sweet, but with some sour in the back. When they turn from green to blue, they pick up another third in size.”

By 2008, August had 500 bushes. He got 250 more in 2009 and another 250 in 2010. Each bush can yield 10 to 35 pints of berries.

“It wasn’t until two years ago that they really proliferated,” says August. He credits that to a combination of irrigation (from a system he installed then), mulch, proper pH and brutal pruning down to the crown, cutting out about 25 percent of old wood every year.

Blueberries thrive with lots of water at the roots — hence the importance of mulch — and in acidic soil with a pH between 4.5 and 5. The pH of August’s loamy soil is not that low, so in addition to conditioning it with Canadian peat moss, he fertilizes with ammonium sulfate.

“I use what the USDA recommends (for non-organic growers). I think that’s what makes my bushes so full, but it’s also the big thing that doesn’t make me organic,” August says. He also sometimes uses Bonide, a chemical insecticide, to spray his bushes at the end of the season, when they are “sick puppies.”

The subject almost pains August. He talks about his bushes as if they were his children.

“I’d never spray the fruit. If you use [the pesticide] to the right degree, with discretion and care, it can be beneficial,” he contends. “I really don’t know about the organic products, but I’d like to learn about them.”

Arthur James planted his first blueberries in 1980 and now has about 800 bushes. Even if the acidic soil on his acre near Fairview Mountain weren’t already perfectly suited for blueberry cultivation, James says, he would never use chemicals to lower the pH.

“I had a horrible experience with chemicals for seven months [in Vietnam]. I saw what Agent Orange did, defoliating whole jungles. Triple canopies. I know how sick I was and others with chloracne and jungle rot,” James recounts. “Three of my friends died.”

At first glance, James’s bushes seem helter-skelter and overgrown, with weeds creeping up their stalks. But as you walk up the slope on which they’re planted, the layout of rows becomes evident. At the base of each bush are the grass clippings, sawdust, horse manure and straw that fertilize it.

They must be doing something right. Blueberry Hill was one of 12 farms invited to bring the product that best represented them to the annual congressional picnic, held at the White House last week. Michael James brought blueberries.

The younger James, who graduated from Cornell University in 2001 with a degree in agriculture, runs Blueberry Hill, which now includes three acres of land his father bought in 1996, about three miles away. He has grown the business, which supports his family plus two full-time and three part-time employees, by building a high tunnel (unheated greenhouse) that extends the growing season and expanding into five farmers markets a week, up from one. He says growing a wide range of crops is essential.

“Blueberries are in for maybe a month and a half, so we need something to sell the rest of the time,” he says.

For blueberry lovers, however, that month and a half is nirvana.

On a recent Saturday at Moody Blues, Ewald August and his wife, plus a few helpers, had picked and packed 500 pints of berries to be sold at the Bethesda Central Farm Market the next day.

August says that what makes his berries so sweet and flavorful is the fact that, unlike Blueberry Hill, he doesn’t refrigerate them.

When I first developed the blueberry recipes that accompany this article, I used North Carolina berries purchased at Whole Foods Market, because Moody Blues berries weren’t yet ripe. When I retested with August’s fruit, the very berriness of my blueberry lemonade intensified, and the lemony compote on my summer couscous pudding popped.

In all fairness, I cannot discount the significance of one particular ingredient that could well have swayed my objectivity: the halo effect of having created a relationship with the farmer. When I finally tasted Blueberry Hill berries — grown on a mountainside, they are just ripening now — I scarfed them up without even washing them. (Of course, you should always rinse fruit well under cold running water, but note that EWG tested their fruit samples after they had been washed. On 20 percent of those samples, by the way, there was zero pesticide residue.)

Maybe I was predisposed to prefer the local product, but I cannot deny that August’s berries had a bright bloom about them that the North Carolina ones did not. The Dukes’ back-of the-palate tartness perfectly suited them to the mignonette dressing I created for a savory salad of grilled scallops, corn and feta cheese nestled in an arrangement of bright red butter lettuce, radicchio and arugula. Their plumpness and juiciness made them perfect foils in blueberry fritters, practically rendering their dipping sauce superfluous.

One noticeable organic/non-organic difference: price. August gets $3.50 per pint; Blueberry Hill charges $5 for a half-pint.

August, basically a hobbyist retiree, reckons his blueberries probably put him in the red. Still, he plans to plant 1,000 more bushes in the fall. That way, he says, he might be able to make some money at it.

“I kinda look at it like a future thing,” he says. “But I don’t think I’m gonna live that long.”

Hagedorn will join today’s Free Range chat at noon: live.washingtonpost.com.





http://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/food/berry-happy-the-local-blues-are-in/2011/06/15/AGp9SYeH_story.html




Blueberry Lemonade With Ginger and Basil

The Washington Post, June 22, 2011

  • Course: Beverage
  • Features: Fast

Summary:

Ginger and basil add a bit of zing to this summer cooler, which is especially refreshing when mixed with club soda. Served on the rocks with gin or vodka, it makes a terrific summer cocktail; straight up, it’s a smasheroo Blue-tini. Garnish with a bamboo skewer that holds blueberries and a few basil leaves.

MAKE AHEAD: The base mixture can be a made a few days ahead.

Makes 6 cups

Ingredients:

  • • 1 pint blueberries, stemmed and rinsed, plus more for optional garnish
  • • 1 cup sugar (may substitute the sweetener of your choice, such as Splenda)
  • • 1 cup plus 1 quart water
  • • 1/2 cup basil leaves, packed, plus more for optional garnish
  • • Two-inch piece peeled ginger root, cut crosswise into thin slices
  • • Finely grated zest and freshly squeezed juice of 2 or 3 lemons (about 2 tablespoons zest and 1/2 cup juice)

Directions:

Combine the blueberries, sugar and 1 cup of the water in a medium saucepan over medium heat; cook for 2 to 3 minutes, stirring, until the sugar has dissolved and the berries just begin to burst.

Transfer to the blender, along with the basil, ginger and lemon zest. Puree until smooth, then strain into a pitcher, pushing on the solids with a rubber spatula to extract all of the liquid. Discard the solids.

Add the remaining quart of water and the lemon juice to the base mixture.

Serve over ice. Garnish with blueberries and basil leaves, if desired.

Recipe Source:

From Sourced columnist David Hagedorn.

170 calories, 0g fat, 0g saturated fat, 0mg cholesterol, 0mg sodium, 45g carbohydrates, 2g dietary fiber, 41g sugar, 1g protein.

Tested by David Hagedorn for The Washington Post.
E-mail the Food Section at food@washpost.com with recipe questions.

Nutrition Facts
Serving size: Per 1-cup serving
Calories: 170
% Daily Values*
Total Fat: 0g 0
Saturated Fat: 0g 0
Cholesterol: 0mg 0
Sodium: 0mg0
Total Carbohydrates: 45g 15
Dietary Fiber: 2g 8
Sugar: 41g
Protein: 1g
*Percent Daily Value based on a 2,000 calorie diet. Your daily values may be higher or lower depending on your calorie needs.
Total Fat: Less than65g
Saturated Fat: Less than20g
Cholesterol: Less than300mg
Sodium:Less than2,400mg
Total Carbohydrates: 300g
Dietary Fiber: 25g




http://projects.washingtonpost.com/recipes/2011/06/22/blueberry-lemonade-ginger-and-basil/

Business Of Farming


Being Like Soros in Buying Farmland Reaps Annual Gains of 16%
By Seth Lubove
August 10, 2011 12:00 AM EDT

Perry Vieth baled hay on a neighbor’s farm in Wisconsin for two summers during high school in 1972 and 1973. The grueling labor left him with no doubt about getting a college degree so that he’d never have to work as hard again for a paycheck. Thirty-eight years later, and after a career as a securities lawyer and fixed-income trader, Vieth is back on the farm.

Except, now, he owns it. As co-founder of Ceres Partners LLC, a Granger, Indiana-based investment firm, Vieth oversees 61 farms valued at $63.3 million in Illinois, Indiana, Michigan and Tennessee. He’s so enthusiastic about the investments that he quit a job in 2008 overseeing $7 billion in fixed-income assets at PanAgora Asset Management Inc., a Boston-based quantitative money management firm, to focus full time on farming, Bloomberg Markets magazine reports in its September issue.

On a spring afternoon, Vieth, 54, barrels along backcountry roads in a Jeep Cherokee in Indiana and Michigan to scout a fruit orchard and corn and soybean farms to buy. Rural towns with names such as Three Rivers pass by in a blur, separated by a wide horizon of fields with young crops popping up.

“When I told people I was leaving to start an investment fund in farmland, they said, ‘You’re doing what?’” says Vieth, in a red polo golf shirt and khakis. “It will always be difficult for Wall Street firms to understand. It’s not like buying stocks on a computer.”

It’s much better: Returns from farmland have trounced those of equities. Ceres Partners produced an average annual gain of 16.4 percent after fees from January 2008, just after the firm started, through June of this year, Vieth says.

George Soros

The bulk of the returns are in rent payments from tenant farmers who grow and sell the crops and from land appreciation. The Standard & Poor’s GSCI Agriculture Index of eight raw materials gained 5.3 percent annually over the same period, and the S&P 500 Index (SPX) dropped almost 1 percent.

Investors are pouring into farmland in the U.S. and parts of Europe, Latin America and Africa as global food prices soar. A fund controlled by George Soros, the billionaire hedge-fund manager, owns 23.4 percent of South American farmland venture Adecoagro SA.

Hedge funds Ospraie Management LLC and Passport Capital LLC as well as Harvard University’s endowment are also betting on farming. TIAA-CREF, the $466 billion financial services giant, has $2 billion invested in some 600,000 acres (240,000 hectares) of farmland in Australia, Brazil and North America and wants to double the size of its investment.

Jim Rogers

“I have frequently told people that one of the best investments in the world will be farmland,” says Jim Rogers, 68, chairman of Singapore-based Rogers Holdings, who predicted the start of the global commodities rally in 1996. “You’ve got to buy in a place where it rains, and you have to have a farmer who knows what he’s doing. If you can do that, you will make a double whammy because the crops are becoming more valuable.”

The growth in demand for food, spurred by the rising middle classes in China, India and other emerging markets, shows no signs of abating. Food prices in June, as measured by a United Nations index of 55 food commodities, were just slightly below their peak in February. The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization said in a June report that it expects food costs to remain high through 2012.

So many investors have rushed to capitalize on food prices in the past three years that they may be creating a farmland bubble. The Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, which covers Colorado, Kansas, Nebraska and other agricultural states, said in May that farmland prices had surged 20 percent in the first quarter compared with a year earlier.

Safe Haven

“Yes, farmland will be a bubble again; all agricultural products will be in a bubble again,” says Rogers, who is an investor in Agrifirma Brazil Ltd., a South American farmland owner.

Hedge-fund manager Stephen Diggle calls farming the ultimate safe haven. Diggle began buying farms with his own money in 2008 after Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. (LEHMQ) filed for bankruptcy in September of that year and the S&P 500 plunged 43 percent in the next six months. He purchased 8,000 acres in Uruguay, three smaller plots in southern Illinois and an 80-acre New Zealand kiwi-and-avocado orchard.

“We really thought all the investment banks would go under,” says Diggle, who as a hedge-fund manager uses options and warrants to bet on price swings in the market. “Everyone said, ‘Buy gold.’ But at the end of the day, you can’t eat it. If everything else goes and I just have these farms, it makes me moderately wealthy.”

‘Prosperous China’

The hedge fund Diggle co-founded, Artradis Fund Management Pte in Singapore, suffered about $700 million in losses. He closed it in March and opened another Singapore-based hedge fund, Vulpes Investment Management Pte. Diggle plans to incorporate his five farms into an investment management group run by Vulpes.

From his vantage point in Asia, where the British expatriate has worked for the past two decades, Diggle says he’s witnessed aspiring locals eating their way up the food chain.

“You can see what a more prosperous China will consume,” Diggle, 47, says. “It means more dairy, more meat -- not just pork and chicken.”

Investors find in farmland a respite from the cyclical price swings of the commodities market. Since 1970, there have been at least four price jumps of at least 100 percent that were followed by steep declines in the S&P agriculture commodities index. By contrast, the average value of an acre of farmland tracked by the U.S. Department of Agriculture has been on a mostly steady climb from $737 in 1980 to $2,350 in 2011.

Leaving BlackRock

“Farmland is the lowest-risk part of the value chain, but it’s also a key part of production,” says Jose Minaya, TIAA- CREF’s head of natural resources and infrastructure investments.

In the U.K., where farm prices are also rising, one money manager traded his career at BlackRock Inc. (BLK) for one in farming. Graham Birch, 51, left in 2009 as the London-based head of the natural resources team at BlackRock, the world’s biggest asset manager, to run his two dairy, wheat and barley farms in southwest England full time.

Birch, who says farming has suffered from a lack of investment and management talent, has spent $1 million on improvements. He now captures all of the effluent from his 600- cow herd, stores it in a 4 million-liter (1-million-gallon) steel tank and uses it as fertilizer for his crops. “At heart, I am basically a businessman, and I want to try to apply the things I learned over the years to see what I could do,” Birch says.

Wall Street Roots

Ceres Partners’ Wall Street roots are evident in the firm’s makeshift office in an old clapboard farmhouse that sits in the middle of cropland. Lucite tombstones resting on a shelf in a small room mark deals done by Brandon Zick, a former vice president of strategic acquisitions at Morgan Stanley (MS)’s investment management unit. Vieth hired Zick in January to help analyze and manage farm purchases.

Vieth, a 1982 graduate of the University of Notre Dame Law School, began his career as a securities and corporate lawyer before moving to the pits of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, where he traded S&P 500 options. After a series of stints running an arbitrage team for Fuji Securities Inc. and other firms, he was hired as chief investment officer of fixed income at PanAgora, the quant firm, in 1999.

By about 2006, Vieth’s concerns about the economy were mounting: Inflation was at a low, and the dollar had peaked as U.S. debt and deficits soared. So he searched for an asset class that would benefit from a currency decline and rising prices. His research led him to farms, since a falling dollar boosts U.S. crop exports.

Falling Dollar

Vieth then connected with Paul Blum, a fellow Notre Dame alumnus who spent some of his youth on a farm in upstate New York and today acts as Ceres’s point person with tenant farmers.

As the dollar fell 24 percent against the euro from January 2006 through May 2008, the pair started buying land as personal investments until the business grew too big for Vieth to manage during evenings and weekends. So, in late 2007, he founded Ceres, just as tightening credit markets began to push the global economy into a recession.

He named the firm Ceres for both the Roman goddess of agriculture and a bar he frequented during his trading days in Chicago. “I was more convinced hard assets were where you wanted to be, and farmland was the best investment I could identify,” Vieth says. By May 2011, he had collected 17,238 acres, mostly in the Midwest.

Shade and Rocks

When Vieth wants land, he goes shopping, as he does with Zick and Blum under a partly cloudy southern Michigan sky in May. Armed with aerial and soil maps, they look for farms with predictable rainfall, mineral-rich land and good drainage. They avoid land that slopes too much, which could lead to soil erosion.

The trio drive by a 337-acre farm for sale by a bank, and Vieth frowns at the slant of the land and the trees that line the perimeter. “Those trees will shade the corn and stunt growth,” he says. Blum doesn’t like the many rocks scattered on the unplanted dirt. Zick is skeptical that the bank will get its asking price of $7,000 an acre in a foreclosure sale.

The investors next visit a farmer they hired, Ed Kerlikowske Jr., who grows watermelon, peas and corn on their 782-acre spread near Berrien Springs, Michigan. For farmers such as Kerlikowske, the entry of outside investors frees up money for new equipment that they would otherwise have to spend on land. “To really grow the business in today’s economy, you need partners,” Kerlikowske says as he passes around slices of fresh watermelon.

Possible Bubble

The farm-investing boom is making lots of people happy, but could it all end in tears? The Federal Deposit Insurance Corp., which regulates banks that lend to farmers, has examined whether investors may be pumping up prices and creating the conditions for a crash like the one that devastated the market in the 1980s, resulting in the failure of 300 farm banks.

In March, then-FDIC Chairman Sheila Bair devoted a symposium to the topic in Washington with the participation of economists, bankers and agricultural experts. “If there is a bubble in farmland prices, I hope the bulk of any correction is borne by investors such as hedge funds and not by the banking industry,” William Isaac, chairman of the FDIC during the farm banking bust and now senior managing director of FTI Consulting Inc. (FCN) said during the event.

Overpaying

Charles McNairy, whose family has been involved in agriculture since 1871, says neophyte investors who lack a deep understanding of farming are making bad deals. In 2009, McNairy started U.S. Farming Realty Trust LP, a fund based in Kinston, North Carolina, that had raised $261 million as of late May to buy farms, according to a Securities and Exchange Commission filing.

McNairy says funds such as Ceres have been overpaying for land, based on the return from crops. “Ceres shouldn’t be buying in the Midwest,” says McNairy, who declined to disclose the states he invests in. “It’s crazy to be buying up there.”

Vieth disagrees, saying Ceres’s returns prove that his strategy is working. “I certainly don’t want to start slinging mud, but I don’t know what the heck he’s talking about.”

Greyson Colvin, who started farming fund Colvin & Co. LLP in Anoka, Minnesota, in 2009, dismisses the idea of an overheated market. “After the housing bubble, people are a little too quick to assign the word bubble these days,” says Colvin, whose two funds and separately managed accounts hold 2,300 acres of farmland in Iowa, Minnesota and South Dakota valued at more than $10 million.

Head Winds

Colvin, a former analyst at UBS AG (UBSN) and Credit Suisse Group AG (CSGN), says U.S. farmers aren’t carrying as much debt as they did during the 1980s crisis, which contributed to the downfall of banks as agriculture loans defaulted. The farm debt-to-asset ratio, which peaked in 1985 at 23 percent, is expected to fall to 10.7 percent in 2011, according to Agriculture Department estimates.

Vieth’s farm funds are facing head winds in coming months and years: A likely rise in interest rates will push up his acquisition costs and the value of the dollar, which in turn might hurt commodity exports. While the former trader keeps a close eye on the dollar, he says farming will continue to thrive.

Investors seem to agree. At a dining-room table in the farmhouse in Granger, Vieth sits down at his computer one evening and totals the day’s haul: another $900,000 from investors looking for comfort -- and profits -- in one of the oldest and most essential industries on the planet.

To contact the reporter on this story: Seth Lubove in Los Angeles at slubove@bloomberg.net;

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Laura Colby in New York at lcolby@bloomberg.net.




http://mobile.bloomberg.com/news/2011-08-10/being-like-soros-in-buying-farm-land-lets-investors-reap-16-annual-gains

Expanding The Climate Zone - Ginger In Virginia

Growing baby ginger: Farmers find it’s worth the fuss

By , Published: October 18

If you walk past the tidy rows of raspberries inside the hoop house at Casselmonte Farm, you’ll dead-end at a waist-high forest of green stalks, whose explosion of leaves conceals not a single fruit or vegetable. If you didn’t know any better, you’d swear that Bill and India Cox were growing Florida swamp grass on their property in Powhatan County, Va.

As it turns out, the couple is raising a crop with virtually the same recognition factor as swamp grass: baby ginger. These young rhizomes, buried in the soil just under that jungle of foliage, will not mature long enough to develop the familiar beige skin of their older siblings. Nor will they develop any of those stringy fibers that can make grating mature ginger feel as if you’re trying to shred a burlap bag. Immature ginger is off-white, rather soft and pliant, with rosy, undeveloped leaves called bud scales. Baby ginger tickles your palate instead of assaulting it.

You sort of feel as though you want to pinch baby ginger’s cheeks.

The infant analogy is apt. The growing season for immature ginger, roughly from March to October, is almost as long as the gestation period for a human newborn, and baby ginger might be just as difficult to raise. The plants require not only a long growing period (which, on a farm, can monopolize valuable real estate) but also ample amounts of water and just the right soil temperature. “They’re not an easy crop,” says Heinz Thomet, owner of Next Step Produce, an organic farm in Charles County, which was an early adopter of “fresh” ginger (as it’s often called) about five years ago.

Bill, 64, and India Cox, 59, a pair of former office professionals from Richmond and Annandale, respectively, are just discovering the unique challenges of growing a tropical plant in the Mid-Atlantic as they move forward with their second careers as small-scale farmers. The couple planted baby ginger for the first time this season to supplement their more common crops, including tomatoes, greens and carrots, and they’ve had to confront the limitations of central Virginia as a hub for ginger production.

The weather, of course, is the primary obstacle. Ginger is fussy; it prefers a warm environment — but not too warm. The plant generally requires soil between 50 and 90 degrees, which essentially means that the Mid-Atlantic can be a miserable place to grow the crop. The late winter and early spring months are too cold, and the summers too hot.

To deal with the climactic vagaries, the Coxes had to sprout their ginger seed — merely pieces of mature rhizomes — in a tented and heated area in their basement until temperatures in the hoop house were warm enough for replanting. In late April, the couple transferred the ginger to the hoop house, where it fared well until the heat of July turned some of the plants’ leaves brown. The farmers tried to comfort their stressed crops by keeping the space well ventilated and the plants well watered.

Like all beginners, the Coxes learned other tricks too late. They could have bought a screen that would have limited the sun’s ability to heat the hoop house like a toaster oven; they could have rotated the plants around the hoop house, giving each one equal time near the structure’s ventilated walls; they could have clumped the plants closer together, so that their own foliage would provide shade for the soil. Yes, they could have done any or all of those, but they didn’t have to. Instead, the weather finally cooled a little in August.

You might wonder how the Coxes could move their ginger around once the seeds are planted. Simple: Rather than placing the rhizomes directly into the ground, the couple submerged their ginger in durable fabric grow-bags filled with a nutrient-rich potting soil mixed with mineral-heavy, super-fine rock dust from a nearby quarry. The bags allow the farmers to have, literally, a movable crop.

Despite the farmers’ best efforts, however, nature still tends to win out in the region, which explains, in part, why the Coxes harvest their ginger when it’s immature. The cold fall temperatures, by and large, won’t allow them to extend the season the extra two or three months that ginger needs to mature fully. Plus, as Bill Cox notes, baby ginger is “a product that you can’t find. Period.” That gives Casselmonte Farm some cachet when it takes its produce to markets, such as the Powhatan Farmers Market on Thursdays or the South of the James Market on Saturdays in Richmond.

If Susan Anderson has anything to say about it, the Coxes soon will have a lot more competition. Early this year, Anderson started East Branch Ginger, a company in Pittsboro, N.C., that imports organic ginger seed from Puna Organics in Hawaii, where the plant thrives. Anderson is sort of the Joanna Appleseed of baby ginger. Her company might be built for profit, selling nearly 4,000 pounds of the Big Kahuna ginger seed to about 150 growers in its first season, but her agenda is largely to proselytize. She has the constitution for it. Anderson is not just a saleswoman for ginger. She also grows the stuff; she holds a degree in horticulture from Virginia Tech.

“Countrywide, this is something that’s very new,” says Anderson, who also works with her customers to help them grow ginger. “It’s like people discovering basil for the first time. . . . I think the potential is huge. It’s a matter of getting farmers on board with it, because it is a different crop.”

Anderson sold Bill and India Cox their seed pieces. Her sales pitch is direct and somewhat fear-based: While ginger rhizomes bought at local stores or through wholesalers can be tainted, she says, East Branch’s products are free of diseases such as fusarium and bacterial wilt, ginger’s most common afflictions. Once one of those diseases sets in, “it’s very difficult to get rid of it,” Anderson says. The fusarium fungus, in particular, can contaminate a field for years.

Such a warning, you’d think, would scare the bejesus out of the average baby ginger farmer in the Mid-Atlantic, who’s still a rookie in this budding business. But apparently not. Next Step Produce and Tree and Leaf Farm in Unionville, Va., buy ginger seed in bulk: Next Step from a restaurant wholesaler and Tree and Leaf from an international market. “Our seeds can’t be traced back” to their source, says Katherine Stewart, the Tree and Leaf manager who handles the farm’s fresh ginger production (which, alas, has already wrapped up for the season).

The problem with the organic, disease-free seed from Hawaii is, plain and simple, the price, says Thomet of Next Step. East Branch Ginger’s rates range from $5.50 to $9.50 a pound, depending on the quantity purchased. Thomet can pay a fraction of those prices for his wholesale seed, which gives him a better return on investment for such a high-maintenance crop. The going rate for baby ginger can vary widely at farmers markets around the country — from $7 to $25 a pound, says East Branch’s Anderson — but even the lowest price is still higher than the price of mature ginger at, say, Whole Foods on P Street NW, where it sells for $5.99 a pound.

“I think it ends up being a pretty good moneymaker for the farmers,” says Bernie Prince, co-director of FreshFarm Markets, whose outdoor markets have featured at least three vendors selling baby ginger this season: Next Step, Tree and Leaf and New Morning Farm (whose experiments produced only a small amount of the crop).

In the end, the gamble on ginger seeds essentially falls on the farmers’ shoulders; they’re the ones who assume the risk of contaminating their soil or losing most of their crop. (The consumer assumes no risk at all: Even diseased ginger is safe to eat.) So far, Thomet says, he has had only one misfire: Several years ago he bought Chinese rhizomes, which “just rotted,” he says.

If a rhizome is disease-free, whether purchased from East Branch or H Mart, it can produce baby ginger of rare beauty, all pink and slender and ivory, in contrast to the majority of fall produce, a khaki parade of lettuces and squashes. The aroma of baby ginger is intoxicating as well, even three feet above the rhizomes. Just plant your face in the middle of ginger leaves and breathe deeply. It’s a contact high of perfume and pungency.

You don’t have to sell Greg Haley on the benefits of baby ginger. The chef de cuisine at Amuse restaurant at the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts in Richmond has been gobbling up ginger from Bill and India Cox from the start: rhizome, stalk, leaves and all. The chef has incorporated the immature rhizomes into a half-dozen dishes, including a new one in which he pairs grilled chicken thighs with fried lengths of baby ginger and a carrot juice reduction infused with the flavor of ginger leaves.

“It’s a lot more subtle” than mature ginger, Haley says. “I like that most of the things I’ve used it in so far, I don’t even peel it. . . . There’s no need to; the skin is so white and thin, it just melts into whatever you’re doing.”




http://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/food/growing-baby-ginger-farmers-find-its-worth-the-fuss/2011/10/12/gIQAHHEhuL_story.html